Many Australians are unaware of the shared history between their country and Somaliland. This connection is exemplified by the capture of Hugh Sweeny, the first Australian prisoner of war in World War II, captured along with his fellow sailors in British Somaliland during the East African Campaign. This event symbolises a profound bond, reflecting the values of both the Somaliland Scouts and Australia's esteemed ANZAC tradition. It also highlights a less-known yet significant geopolitical alignment between the two nations.
Australians are also largely unaware of Somaliland today as one of Africa’s best-kept secrets. Somaliland's journey, particularly after its 1991 declaration of independence, ending an unratified union with Somalia, presents a unique case in international law. Operating as a sovereign state for over thirty years without official global recognition, Somaliland's narrative is one of resilience and stability, contrasting sharply with the turmoil characterising its neighbour, Somalia. In a region largely dominated by autocratic regimes, terrorism, and piracy, Somaliland's consistent democratic governance over the past two decades stands as a testament to its political maturity and commitment to peace.
To assess the timing and practicality of a formal recognition of Somaliland by Australia, one must consider the first commitment of Australia's Prime Minister Anthony Albanese after his swearing-in: a commitment to an open and free Indo-Pacific, emphasised during the QUAD summit in Japan. This commitment was highlighted again by the recent U.S. request for Australian naval support in the Gulf of Aden against Houthi rebels. However, it's important to caution against the limitations of a purely military-centric approach. This situation necessitates a re-evaluation towards a balanced strategy that combines military action with elements of soft power. Such a strategy should focus on finding democratic allies, encouraging good governance, and diplomatic engagement to counter adversarial influences like Iran, Russia, and China. While Australia is not immediately sending a ship today, it cannot remain both diplomatically and militarily absent from this critical part of the Indo-Pacific. China has already approached the Somaliland government and its opposition to switch allegiance from Taiwan to China. This pressure is expected to increase as we approach the Somaliland presidential elections in 2024. It reminds us of previous setbacks, such as when China overtook the security arrangement with the Solomon Islands or more recently Nauru cutting off its diplomatic relations with Taiwan. Indeed, the Albanese government's nuanced approach to foreign policy, prioritising proactive strategies, sets the stage for a bold move.
Australia's recognition of Somaliland extends beyond the geopolitical agenda, unlocking significant economic prospects. Despite its current unrecognition status, global firms like DP World, Trafigura, and CPC Corporation have invested millions in Somaliland, recognising its potential. Similarly, Australian businesses could engage in these promising ventures, especially in the field of mining, where Somaliland has untapped minerals such as a variety of gemstones, gold, iron ore, tin, and lead.
Despite our public understanding of what regions or seas are included in the Indo-Pacific, evidence shows that the Red Sea and the Gulf are indeed included. The significance of these regions was apparent even before the Houthi crisis. For example, the US National Defence Authorization Act 2023 requests the US government to: “Determine whether opportunities exist for greater collaboration in the pursuit of United States national security interests in the Horn of Africa, the Gulf of Aden, and the Indo-Pacific region with the Federal Government of Somalia and Somaliland”. This is further evidenced by the military presence of Japan and China in the area, signifying the intersecting interests of major Indo-Pacific players. Somaliland is not just 66 NM (nautical miles) away from Bab-Al-Mandeb but also offers deep water ports and the Berbera airport with its long runway. Hence, It shares Australia's emphasis on maintaining free and open maritime trade routes, as both nations are affected by the Houthis attacks.
Somaliland stands out not only for its democratic governance but also due to its distinctive international relations. Despite being unrecognised, it has forged close relations with the UK, UAE, and Djibouti and a notable relationship with Taiwan where it maintains a firm stance against China's Belt-and-Road initiative. As Former US National Security Advisor Robert C. O'Brien points out, Somaliland's strategic positioning renders it not just a democratic ally but also a vital partner in the Indo-Pacific. Furthermore, former senior US official Jendayi Frazer has expressed that one of her regrets as assistant secretary was that she did not push hard enough for the US to recognise Somaliland. However, the current U.S. administration has pivoted away from that position, likely due to concerns about a potential shift in Somalia's alliance from the US to China. Fortunately, this presents a great opportunity for middle powers to step in. Ethiopia for example is leading the way after signing a memorandum of understanding with Somaliland for sea access in exchange for formal recognition. Although this has angered Somalia and Egypt, not a single Western or democratic country condemned the move.
With limited direct ties to Somalia, Australia can confidently recognise Somaliland, leading the world in giving Somalilanders a fair go. International relations experts believe that recognition by one major country like Australia could trigger a domino effect, inspiring other nations to follow suit. This move would encourage good governance and bring more trade, not less, all while reinforcing Australia's role as an influential player in the Indo-Pacific.