Somaliland is not waiting to become real. It is waiting for others to stop pretending.
As the cultural ambassador for Australian Somaliland community, I provide foreign-affairs analysis without diplomatic fog: Somaliland recognition, power, statehood, and the choices that shape the Horn. I have written for ASPI, Australian Outlook, and other strategy platforms.
Track record: the MoU with Ethiopia, the Somaliland constitutional crisis, Israel recognition, and the US partnership were argued here before they became realities.
Somaliland's memory of genocide makes its view of Gaza morally severe, but not selective. It condemns destruction by the Netanyahu government, terrorism, and the politics that weaponise suffering while denying Somaliland's own history.
Somaliland has already paid the cost of statehood. Recognition would let President Trump convert that accumulated value into a diplomatic and political dividend.
Somaliland's relationship with Israel is not a security alarm. It is a strategic recognition transaction built on soft power, maritime order, and sovereignty.
Australia recognised Palestine as a values based foreign policy decision. If those values are applied consistently, Somaliland presents an even stronger case.
Arab policy toward Somaliland should begin with reality, not inherited assumptions. Somaliland is African, located on the Gulf of Aden, tied to Ethiopia, and too established to be treated as a temporary inconvenience.
The outrage over one Somali referee hides a larger absurdity. Six million Somalilanders are shut out of the World Cup by a circular system that calls itself procedure.
Warfa's claim that Somalia is preparing war on Berbera and Hargeisa is not a show of strength. It is a distraction from Mogadishu's unresolved failures on security, governance and political order.
The latest United States report on Somaliland is a useful procedural signal, not a final recognition decision. The real question is whether Washington can turn narrow engagement into high level strategic recognition.
America keeps learning the same lesson from authoritarian partners. Dictatorships can be useful in the short term, but democracies make better strategic allies when the pressure rises.
President Trump can secure a strategic, low risk foreign policy legacy by recognising Somaliland after Iran. The move advances American interests, rewards democratic statehood, and corrects a long standing policy failure.
The Trump administration made a correct strategic move in defending Israel's right to recognise Somaliland, but it is time to finish the job.
A historical overview of the true reasons behind Somaliland's union with Somalia in 1960, driven by the loss of the Haud to Ethiopia.
Somaliland is not a sudden crisis that began with Israeli recognition. It is a strategic opportunity for the Arabs, led by Saudi Arabia, if it is understood well before it becomes a permanent sphere of influence for others.
The left's instinct to side with the weaker party regardless of context is not justice. It is a bias that mistakes weakness for virtue and strength for guilt, and Somaliland is the proof.
After 35 years of enforced isolation, Somaliland is owed more than legal status. The cumulative cost of exclusion demands compensation as a matter of accountability.
Somaliland operates on a distinct civilisational, political, and social framework. Understanding how its society thinks, decides, and acts is the essential entry point for any serious engagement.
Iran's decision to reopen the Strait of Hormuz reveals two profound truths about its calculus: it is not suicidal, and its most powerful weapon was never as decisive as the world feared.
War with Iran will not stabilise the Middle East. Stability depends on rejecting expansionism, improving internal governance, and allowing peaceful competition between regional frameworks.
Le Monde publishes another sensationalised piece on Berbera, stripping Somaliland of agency and relying on anonymous sources to push an Iran-centric narrative with no hard evidence.
Iran has found something more powerful than a nuclear bomb: the ability to hold global energy and the world economy hostage through critical chokepoints.
Israel and Somaliland share the experience of being unrecognised by neighbours who wish them gone. But Israel under Netanyahu is creating more enemies than friends, and the Abraham Accords must deliver a final resolution.
Somaliland's Israeli recognition has collapsed two timelines. Sovereignty and Islamic renewal must now happen simultaneously, offering a confident counter-model to militarised political theology.
When UK Labour compares Somaliland to Scotland, they reveal a fundamental misunderstanding of what a failed state, an unratified union, and 35 years of separation actually mean.
Why condemning state recognition is as absurd as throwing tantrums over someone else's lunch order, and how Somaliland ticks all the boxes.
Australia's empathy-driven approach to Gaza has been commendable, but recent events expose dangerous gaps in counter-terrorism frameworks that no longer match how radicalisation spreads in the modern world.
What the diaspora can learn from Ilhan Omar's political career and the paradox of local success versus national failure.
Somaliland stands alongside Israel in democracy and safety, yet remains grouped with Somalia in US policy. The data demands a rethink.
Britain recognised Somaliland's sovereignty in 1960, then violated its own treaties by allowing a union that never legally existed. Modern diplomacy continues to endorse this colonial error.
The Somalia eVisa breach represents a national intelligence coup with permanent consequences for thousands, including children whose data remains exposed.
Analysis of a leaked passport database revealing 5,546 compromised Western passports from UK, US, and Australia among 35,417 total documents.
As Trump pursues historic legacy over incremental process, Somaliland recognition offers the rare win-win that creates powerful optics while genuinely improving Africa's geopolitical landscape.
The 2024 Somaliland-Ethiopia MOU revealed more about global attitudes towards African sovereignty than its actual contents, exposing the misapplication of territorial integrity whilst demonstrating unexpected international support for Somaliland recognition.
The Trump administration must abandon Clinton's failed Single Somalia policy and return to the Bush-era strategy that favoured recognising Somaliland's statehood.
A comprehensive rebuttal to Ambassador Larry André's arguments against Somaliland's recognition, exposing legal, historical, and strategic realities that demand decisive American leadership in the Horn of Africa.
When you deny the most legitimate case, you don't eliminate secessionist sentiment; you radicalise it. How Somaliland's treatment teaches potential secessionists that peaceful paths lead nowhere.
An analysis of two competing narratives about Somaliland's status: the continuity position arguing for restoration of pre-existing statehood versus the dissolution narrative. Examining which position is closer to historical and legal facts, has greater global impact, is supported by stronger references, and which Somaliland should pursue to advance recognition.
Let’s clarify from the outset: when defining Somaliland, the primary information should be based on established principles of statehood in international law; not media or political perspectives. So, in this context:
After years of analysing Somaliland's diplomatic trajectory, a harsh truth has emerged: our government cannot, and will not, deliver recognition alone. The chain of setbacks, from doormat diplomacy to strategic missteps, has revealed a clear reality that the Somaliland political establishment refuses to acknowledge. It is time for a fundamental shift.
In recent months, Somaliland's new president Irro has embarked on highly publicised visits to Djibouti, Kenya, and most recently Qatar. But instead of reinforcing Somaliland's hard-earned sovereignty, these trips have exposed a dangerous shift in our foreign policy - a shift toward what can only be described as doormat diplomacy. In contrast to previous realism-driven strategies, Irro's administration appears willing to forfeit dignity, leverage, and strategic clarity for symbolic niceties and hollow promises.
In recent weeks, Somaliland's new president Muse Bihi's successor, Irro, has embarked on highly publicised visits to Djibouti and Kenya. But instead of reinforcing Somaliland's hard-earned sovereignty, these trips have exposed a dangerous shift in our foreign policy - a shift toward what can only be described as doormat diplomacy. In contrast to Bihi's realism-driven strategy, Irro's administration appears willing to forfeit dignity, leverage, and strategic clarity for symbolic niceties and hollow promises.
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Yes, culturally, Isaaq is ultimately one large clan. However, one of the biggest misconceptions about Somaliland is considering the Isaaq as a single monolithic clan politically speaking. This has led to even more misconceptions:
Before addressing why Somaliland is not recognised, it's important to ask why this question comes up so often. When you type "Why Somaliland?" into Google, it's the top result, and there's a reason for that.
Welcome to the August edition of Understanding the Memorandum of Understanding, where we explore the ongoing aftershocks of the MoU signed between Somaliland and Ethiopia. In this edition, we highlight who is truly against Somaliland’s recognition and by extension the MoU.
Let's leave out the "he said, she said" of Bloomberg's fake news and discuss real geopolitics.
The government of Somaliland, led by President Bihi, has adopted a bold approach to geopolitics that can be considered a form of shock therapy. This approach has upset China by aligning with Taiwan and has surprised the global community through a significant Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopia.
Instead of thinking about the Roman Empire, how about if we reflect on Galileo Galilei in the 1500s, Galileo dared to refute that the Sun revolved around the earth, facing scorn for challenging such myth.
Since its liberation in 1991 after a brutal struggle, Somaliland has showcased remarkable self-reliance, democracy, and peace in a region typically marked by turmoil. Its unique history lays a solid foundation for its legally uninterrupted independence, offering a beacon of hope in the Horn of Africa. This region is in desperate need of a role model, and the question arises: while not perfect, why does the world deny it when such a role model has been stable for over three decades?
Dear Crisis Group In your recent episode “Ethiopia’s Push for Sea Access” with Christopher Clapham, you have proclaimed Without presenting any evidence, that the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Somaliland And Ethiopia will not proceed. This prompts the question: why didn't you host the numerous international relations experts who were either neutral or supportive of the MoU? Furthermore, Somaliland's status, a core issue needing resolution, was not even addressed in your discussion.
The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and the United States have been presenting a misleading narrative to the international community, implying that the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Somaliland and Ethiopia might intensify Al-Shabab's activities. Indeed, it could be argued that Somalia would be better positioned to focus on the formidable task of combating terrorism if it ended its delusion of ruling Somaliland in any real sense.
After the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Somaliland and Ethiopia, the remnants of the Faqash regime appear to ignore the lessons of Somalia’s collapse under Siyad Barre. His genocidal targeting of Somaliland not only devastated the region but also contributed to Somalia’s status as a failed state. This chapter in history clearly illustrates the dangers of such reckless actions.
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In late 2020, President Trump made an announcement declaring the United States' official recognition of Morocco's claims over Western Sahara. This decision challenged the stances of international organizations such as the United Nations, International Court of Justice, and even the African Union.
Somaliland politics in 2022 was centred around one question: which elections should come first: presidential elections or party elections. My position has been, we need new parties in Somaliland but we don't need party elections.
2023 is an election year in Somaliland. Two elections are due, party elections and presidential
We, the Somaliland intellectuals who graduated from universities in our country and abroad, stand and advocate for more democratic Somaliland election laws.
My curated list of research papers from academia on Somaliland recognition in 2022
From now and until 2027, forget about something called Somaliland Recognition. That's why I've closed my Twitter account and I am in the process of leaving several Somaliland groups and organisations. I didn't want to share this publicly, but I owe friends some explanation. The close ones know that I have been aiming to quit for some time. So this has nothing to do with any argument with someone but everything to do with Somaliland's foreign policy both from government and opposition.
Before highlighting the interests of the United States in a fully recognised Somaliland, there are benefits that Somaliland will continue to guarantee even without any recognition. These include the fight against piracy, anti-terrorism and being a progressive democracy. Often criticised for being a "peacocracy", Somaliland people and government will protect their interior and external peace. Their homegrown democracy stems from their pastoral roots, and that is unlike to change with or without recognition because democracy enables the competing parties to transfer power fairly and peacefully. This ensures that, unlike Somalia, Somaliland will continue to be a reliable partner in the region without causing headaches in keeping the security and peace in the volatile region of the horn of Africa.
Dear fellow Australian in media, International relations, diplomacy or foreign affairs,
In recent years, Somaliland recognition has become a hot topic within the circles of US congress, top diplomats, think tanks, and international relations experts. This generated different sets of ideas or roadmaps on how the US should establish formal diplomatic relations with Somaliland.
Fadhi-ku-dirir (fighting while sitting) is a term used to describe political arguments between Somalilanders which employ rumours and supremacist clan-based fairy tales. Belligerent in nature, fadhi-ku-dirir is merely for entertainment and for the sake of argument itself. From a young age, I was told, don’t take your uncle’s fairy tales seriously.
After 10 years of fruitless talks with Somalia, the Somaliland public has expressed its frustration and lack of trust in leadership in Somalia. In this article, I will like to offer four principles that can help guide the decision-makers on the future of these talks.
Much like the late President Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, the current President Muse Bihi is not popular with the media and vocal groups in Somaliland. However, it's important to note that the reasons for this differ significantly.
Since the collapse of the Somali Republic, nearly every intervention on Somalia by the international community has failed. It started with Operation RESTORE HOPE in 1992 by the US army and it continues now with delayed elections and the prolonged war to eliminate the Al-Shabab terrorist organization. However, there were success stories such as ending the piracy off the shores of Somalia.
Somaliland stands out in several areas in foreign policy that attract the Biden's administration and the Quad (Japan, Australia, India and US). These areas are China, Taiwan, the horn of Africa, Israel, defence and democracy.
What is Far Wadaad? Far wadaad or Wadaad's writing is writing Somali language in the Arabic alphabet. It is attributed to Sh Yusuf Al-Kawnayn by M.I. Lewis in his book Saints and Somalis. Since Aw Barkhadle is reported to live in the 13th century, this makes far wadaad the original Somali alphabet
In the era of late Somaliland President Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal, Somalilanders have adopted a constitution that limits the number of political parties to three. This was a lesson learned from the 1969 elections in the Somali republic when 64 parties contested in the elections. These parties were proxies for sub-clans who wanted representation. No one offered political choices based on ideology and policies.
Today, I asked the question which is what is the best city in Somaliland in terms of weather? I thought it must be either Sheikh or Daalo mountains but it's neither one of them.